Monday, May 30, 2022

Memorial Day Originated in Petersburg, Virginia

The first Memorial Day occurred June 9, 1865, in Petersburg, Virginia.

Confederate Arch, Blandford Cemetery, Petersburg, Virginia

The ladies of Petersburg went out to Blandford Cemetery just east of town to decorate the graves of their friends and relatives who had perished on June 9, 1864, repelling a Federal attack on the city.  The definitive account of that fight is in William Glenn Robertson's excellent The First Battle for Petersburg:  The Attack and Defense of the Cockade City, June 9, 1864 (Savas Beatie, 2015).  Soldiers from many wars are buried in Blandford Cemetery, beginning with the War of Independence.  Thirty thousand Confederate dead are buried there.  The wife of the commandant of the Federal troops occupying Petersburg spread to the North the idea of a day commemorating war dead.  Scott, James G., and Wyatt, Edward A.  Petersburg's Story:  A History.  Petersburg:  Titmus Optical Co., 1960.

Blandford Church

Blandford Church, built 1734-1737, stands beside Blandford Cemetery.  The church was in ruins during the Civil War but was subsequently restored and adorned with 15 Tiffany stained-glass windows.






Thursday, May 12, 2022

12th Virginia Calendar: May 12, 1864, Spotsylvania, Heth's Salient, Pvt. Leonidas H. Dean Captures 51st Pennsylvania Infantry's Flag


Escaping from the Fire in the Woods--"Wilderness" by Alfred Rudolph Waud

Library of Congress

Ambulance Corps men had to be the bravest of the brave.  They had to pick up the wounded under fire, lest the unwounded become demoralized.  Pvt. Leonidas H. Dean of the 12th's Company B, the Petersburg Old Grays, a member of the ambulance corps, had distinguished himself on May 6, 1864 in the Wilderness, dragging many wounded Yankees out of the burning woods, but he could not rescue them all.  Some perished in the flames.


Flag of the 51st Pennsylvania Infantry

On May 12, east of Heth's Salient at Spotsylvania, Weisiger's brigade of Mahone's division and Lane's brigade of Cadmus Wilcox's division engaged Orlando Willcox's division and Federal batteries.  Weisiger's brigade and Lane's brigade captured flags and prisoners in an enormous melee.  Dean grabbed a musket and captured a beautiful stand of colors from the 51st Pennsylvania Infantry along with eight Keystoners.[1]  During the following months Dean would continue to distinguish himself and justify being named after the Spartan king who perished at Thermopylae.


Map by Hampton Newsome


[1] OR 36, 3:802; Statement of Napoleon Bonaparte Simmons, Notes of St. George Tucker Coalter Bryan; John Horn, The Petersburg Regiment in the Civil War: A History of the 12th Virginia Infantry from John Brown's Hanging to Appomattox, 1859-1865 (Savas Beatie, 2019), Winner of the 2019 Army Historical Foundation Distinguished Writing Award for Unit History, 232, 249.



Tuesday, May 10, 2022

The Irony of Winslow Homer's "Prisoners from the Front" (1866)

Winslow Homer, a Special Artist for "Harper's Weekly" magazine, accompanied Brig. Gen. Francis Channing Barlow on his reconnaissance toward the Weldon Railroad south of Petersburg on June 21, 1864.  This was at the beginning of the battle of Jerusalem Plank Road, a Federal disaster during the first attempt to envelop the Cockade City from the plank road to the Appomattox above the city.  Barlow, a Harvard educated New York lawyer, was a brave soldier but an unlucky general wounded at Antietam and Gettysburg.   He was ambushed about a mile short of the tracks by Brig. Gen Rufus Clay Barringer, who had studied law with his brother in North Carolina after graduating from the University of North Carolina.  Barringer, nicknamed "Aunt Nancy," repulsed Barlow.

After the war, Homer drew on his sketches of the period to paint "Prisoners from the Front", in 1866.  This painting established his reputation.

There follow excerpts on the June 21, 1864 fight from my forthcoming book on Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant's second offensive at Petersburg.


Winslow Homer, Prisoners from the Front (1866), Metropolitan Museum of Art

***

After the United States Army had crossed the James, it failed to take Petersburg by assault.  On the morning of June 21, 1864, the army set out to invest Petersburg from the army’s left on Jerusalem Plank Road to the Appomattox River above the city.  II Corps, the army’s crack formation, led the way.

The corps moved out from the Avery house with Barlow’s division in the van.  Troops of II Corps units prior to the March 23, 1864 consolidation of II Corps with the former III Corps wore as their insignia a club or clover, with a different color for each division.  Barlow’s division wore a red club.  Inadvertently left on the fog-covered picket line until five that morning, Pvt. William Horton of the 26th Michigan in Miles’ brigade of the Red Club Division began the hike with little sleep.  “We come up with the regt about 8 o’clock,” he recorded.  “We eat our Breakfast and lay Down for a little rest.  We are routed up and ordered to march….”  Major General David Bell Birney, an Alabama-born Philadelphia lawyer, led the corps that day because Maj. Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock was suffering from his Gettysburg wound.  At 10 a.m., Birney ordered Mott's division back at the Avery house to dispatch the 2nd United States Sharpshooters to lead the column of Barlow’s division.  Shortly after 10 a.m., Barlow's division crossed the Norfolk & Petersburg Railroad near the deserted, white Southwell house while V Corps moved its left up to Jerusalem Plank Road south of the Dimmock Line. 

Gibbon’s division departed the Avery house next.  Mott’s division left the Avery house last.  Shortly afterward, Lt. Col. Theodore Lyman III, who had studied at Harvard before joining Meade’s staff as archivist, fell in with the men of Mott’s division as they plodded along the road past the Southwell house.  Major General George Gordon Meade, the commander of the Army of the Potomac, had sent Lyman to accompany II Corps and report on its progress.  “The road was narrow and full of troops, and led by several clearings where young corn was growing—small, it seemed to me for the season,” Lyman recalled.  The column marched through a gently undulating landscape of fields and woods, affording little opportunity for the employment of artillery and parched by the sun.  “The weather is very hot, and we cannot procure anything to drink but warm, muddy water, made so by men, mules and horses all rushing into it,” Second Lieutenant George Augustus Armes of the corps staff remembered.  “Canteens and tin cups by the hundreds can be seen by the side of a mule's or horse's front or hind leg or nose in the water, and other men hurrying out of their way, so as to dip their caps in and drink, as if the water was from a nice cool spring.”

***

About noon on June 21, Barlow’s division reached a wide road—Jerusalem Plank Road--at right angles to the division’s march route.  To the left lay a big cornfield and a large white wooden house with several dependencies, deserted by the Williams family, which had fled to Petersburg taking their furniture but leaving some slaves, some cows and, most importantly to Lyman, some ice. 

At the plank road, the Red Club Division encountered videttes from Barringer’s North Carolina Cavalry Brigade of William Henry Fitzhugh “Rooney” Lee’s division. The videttes came from picket posts about a mile east of the Weldon Railroad for the first few miles south of Petersburg.  Troopers of the 3rd North Carolina of Barringer’s brigade manned the picket posts.  The body of the 3rd encamped by the railway near the Davis house about five miles south of Petersburg.  The rest of Barringer’s brigade tented by the railroad near Globe Tavern, just over a mile farther south.  Dearing’s brigade of Local Defense Troops, horsemen temporarily assigned to Rooney Lee’s division, picketed the railroad still farther southward, to the vicinity of Reams Station, about 12 miles south of the Cockade City.  Both Confederate brigades had orders to drive off any raiding party attempting to damage the railway.  

Birney had to make a choice when he reached the plank road.  His orders left him with some discretion.  He could extend as far to the left as practicable, hopefully to the Weldon Railroad, and then close up to the Confederate line as closely as possible.  Or he could close up to the Secessionist line as closely as possible, and then extend as far to the left as practicable, hopefully to the Weldon Railroad.  Birney explored the first option, sending Barlow’s division alone toward the railroad and holding back Gibbon’s and Mott’s divisions near the Williams house.  

Barlow’s division crossed the plank road and slowly advanced along the lane beyond the Williams farm throwing up rifle pits during pauses.  Crowninshield’s detachment of Bryan’s ad hoc cavalry brigade led, supported by Miles’ brigade.   Bryan’s brigade consisted of the 1st Massachusetts, the 3rd New Jersey and the 18th Pennsylvania.  Brigadier General Nelson Appleton Miles, a former crockery store clerk wounded at Chancellorsville, deployed as skirmishers the 61st New York, the Clinton Guards, to the right of the lane, and the 81st Pennsylvania to the lane’s left. 

The 3rd North Carolina’s videttes resisted the advance of Barlow’s division.  “The firing began to grow very lively as soon as we reached the Jerusalem plank road, where we were obliged to halt, and feel our way slowly, and fortify as we advanced,” remembered Lieutenant Armes.  Soon the lane entered woods near the Browder farm, and wounded began to come in, some walking and others on stretchers.  Companies H and K of the 116th Pennsylvania in Moroney’s brigade skirmished on the flank of Barlow’s column.  “I shot at a reb cavalry man I thought I had killed him, I went down and found the Johnnie gone, but I found where he had been the most beautiful double barreled shot gun I ever seen,” noted First Sgt. Samuel A. Clear of Company K.  “I kept it a while and then I had to lay it down in the woods and leave it lay.  I would have given fifty dollars to of had it sent home.”  

On the Browder farm, Barlow’s division reached a fork in the lane and took the track leading first to the left and then northwestward past the Aiken farm toward the 3rd North Carolina’s picket post on the Risdon farm.  By 12:55 p.m., the divisions of Gibbon and Mott had reached the Williams farm and were massing there.  They could still either support support the Red Club Division if it ran into trouble or head northward to take position on the right of V Corps.  At about 1 p.m., a contraband informed Brig. Gen. Francis Channing Barlow that his division had arrived within two and a half miles of the railway.  “The cavalry report the enemy in force and have had a little firing,” reported Barlow.  “It is nothing.”  

Brigadier General Francis Channing Barlow (Library of Congress)

***

             Meanwhile, the 2nd United States Sharpshooters was still hustling from Mott’s division at the rear of Birney’s column to Barlow’s division at its head.  The marksmen had started off almost at the double quick.  As they hurried along, they left behind First Sgt. Wyman Silas White of Company F, one of the regiment’s New Hampshire companies. 

Infantrymen were marching abreast of the sharpshooters on the other side of a high fence in the slightly rolling fields, interspersed with woods, streams and swamps.  White had lost his rifle’s tompion, a wooden plug designed to keep the water out of the rifle barrel.  As he hastened along, he noticed an infantryman’s tompion just hanging in the muzzle of his rifle.  “I called Captain [Samuel F.] Murry’s attention to it and told him that when the [tompion] dropped, I was going to get it,” remembered White.  “I climbed over the high fence and had just gotten over when the coveted [tompion] hit a fence stake and fell to the ground.”  Picking up the tompion, White walked along the fence hoping to find a place with the boards down so that he could get back into the road without climbing over the fence again.

White found such a place near a fork in the road.  He discovered that his regiment had outmarched him and gotten out of sight.  He could not tell which road his comrades had taken.  “I took the right hand road for it led more towards the enemy’s lines and I heard firing in that direction,” White remembered.  “I knew General Barlow had borrowed our regiment to do skirmishing where he was intending to attack the enemy.”  White hurried on expecting to overtake his regiment, passing infantrymen who were forming a line at right angles to the road.  Expecting to strike his regiment deployed in a skirmish line, he followed the road until he reached a curve.  Two or three hundred feet ahead, he saw a Rebel picket post.  “There were three of them around a small fire right in the road and they were doing some cooking for there was no other use of a fire that hot June day,” he recalled.  “They did not see me at all.”

White turned and put as much distance as he could between the Southerners and himself.  “The firing became quite brisk at that time,” White remembered.  

***

Shortly before 3 p.m., “what was left of the Regt…were placed in the advance, as advance guard,” recalled Pvt. William B. Greene, a former student in New Hampshire in the 2nd United States Sharpshooters’ Company G.  “The men were nearly played out with fast marching but no rest was granted them.”  Barlow employed the sharpshooters, known as Green Coats because of their uniforms, to replace the cavalry, which he considered useless.  Lieutenant Colonel Homer Richard Stoughton, a Vermonter and former railroad man wounded at Po River that May, had just rejoined the 2nd and assumed its command that morning.  The landscape the sharpshooters threaded their way through, remembered First Lt. Charles A. Stevens, “was covered with deep woods, tangled brush, creeks and swamps, making the movement tedious and unsatisfactory.”  The marksmen soon pushed the sentinels of the 3rd North Carolina back from their picket post on the Risdon farm.

***


Brigadier General Rufus Clay Barringer (Library of Congress)

General Robert Edward Lee had written off the Weldon Railroad as indefensible because of its proximity to the Federal lines.  Despite his negative prognosis for the railroad, the advance of II Corps toward the tracks surprised the Confederates.  Brigadier General Rufus Clay Barringer, a lawyer known to his troops as “Aunt Nancy,” led the Tarheel cavalry brigade of Maj. Gen. William Henry Fitzhugh “Rooney” Lee’s cavalry division.   Captain John Marion Galloway of Company D in the 5th North Carolina Cavalry of Barringer’s brigade considered Barringer, “Brave enough, but of a prudent, methodical, cautious temperament.”  Another Tarheel trooper thought Barringer old and slow but a good officer.  

Barringer and his staff “had mounted and were only waiting for the Bugle to sound, the signal to march, when a courier dashed up at breathless speed from Col. John Algernon Baker, who, with his regiment, the 3rd, was on picket duty about three miles away, reporting that he was being hard pressed by the enemy and was in dire need of quick re-enforcements,” recalled First Lt. Fred C. Foard, recently appointed aide-de-camp to Barringer.  Aunt Nancy hurriedly formed his line.  “We were wholly without support, but the thick undergrowth and other surroundings favored a vigorous resistance in a dismounted fight,” Barringer recalled.        

                                                      Map by Hal Jespersen

The Tarheel, who had read law with his elder brother and suffered wounds at Brandy Station and Bristoe Station, prepared an ambush for Barlow, a Harvard-educated New York lawyer wounded at Antietam and Gettysburg who liked to wear a red flannel shirt and carry a cavalry sabre with which to swat skulkers.  Barringer had McGregor’s battery, the 2nd Stuart Light Horse Artillery, unlimber at a high yet screened spot near the Davis house on the railroad at the junction of Vaughan and Halifax Roads, about two and a half miles south of Petersburg.  Aunt Nancy kept the 5th North Carolina Cavalry in reserve behind the guns.  He dismounted the 1st and 2nd North Carolina Cavalry and formed two heavy skirmish lines.  The men 2nd formed the first line, concealed in the undergrowth on the eastern border of the Davis farm, about a quarter mile behind the 3rd North Carolina’s picket post and three quarters of a mile from the railroad.  The 2nd’s troopers received instructions not to fire until the Federals came within 100 yards of them.  Then these Tarheels would fire a single volley.  In the trees a short distance to the rear, Barringer’s first line would join the 1st North Carolina in his second line and they would make a stand along the lane that led to the railway round a half mile to the west.  When the Federals reached that defile in the timber, the four 3-inch rifles of McGregor’s battery would open fire.  

***

Soon after 3 p.m., having pushed back the pickets of the 3rd North Carolina Cavalry, the 2nd United States Sharpshooters arrived at the border of the Davis farm.  Stoughton “was marching along in his shirt sleeves singing I haven’t got long to stay etc.,” Greene recalled.  Dismounted troopers of the 2nd North Carolina in Barringer’s first skirmish line and fugitives from the 3rd who had fallen back to that line, hidden along both sides of the lane, poured a volley into the Green Coats.  Stoughton reacted immediately.  ‘When the volley came in he sung out to the boys to go over the fence and give it to them,” Greene remembered.  “Over the boys went and pitched into them & drove them in to their entrenchments near by.”  Stoughton sought support from the 111th New York’s Col. Clinton F. MacDougall, a former banker whose brigade had by this time deployed on the left of the lane while Miles’ brigade had shifted to the lane’s right.  The Vermonter told the New Yorker that the Rebels outnumbered the sharpshooters.

“Go on,” replied MacDougall, treating the Green Coats with the same contempt with which his division commander had treated Crowninshield’s cavalry, “there is nothing in your front.”  

Stoughton resumed his advance without support for his sharpshooters.  They soon struck the second line of Barringer’s skirmishers.  The Secessionists loosed another volley and McGregor’s guns opened.  Shells burst over the Red Club men following Stoughton’s troops.  In the 57th New York, one projectile killed three men and a second killed one and wounded others.                                                                         


Map by Hal Jespersen

Led by Colonel Baker and Lieutenant Foard, the Tarheels counterattacked.  The Green Coats faltered and fell back.  “Our boys met them but it was a dear old meet for they came right up near enough to use the bayonet,” Greene remembered.  Soon Companies A and B of the sharpshooters reported themselves in danger of capture because the Rebels were overlapping their line.  Stoughton directed his men to break for the rear on their respective flanks.  “Some of the boys run & in fact, most all of them,” recalled Greene.  The North Carolinians surged back across the Risdon farm and seized many prisoners from the Green Coats, including Stoughton, who remembered, “I heard what I supposed was support coming on mv left and rear, and in attempting to adjust and join the line, fell into the hands of the 2d N. C. cavalry, dismounted.”  

“The ground over which we…fought was wooded with dense undergrowth, the opposing lines were very close together, not more than 15 or 20 yards apart,” recalled Lieutenant Foard.  “Captain Henry Coleman of the 1st Regiment perceiving a field Officer mounted and close up to his line, dashed throught [sic] both skirmish lines, seizing his bridal rein and with the muzzle of his pistol against the Officer’s body, brought him in to our lines a prisoner,” recalled Foard.  

Rallying quickly near the captured picket post, the Union sharpshooters charged again.  Some of the men in the 2nd’s Company B, a mostly Michigan unit, captured Lieutenant Foard and Colonel Baker, a Harvard educated lawyer, near the Risdon barn.  The pair had had gotten too far ahead of their troops.  “In the surging of the battle back and forth, I suddenly found myself entirely surrounded by the enemy and was taken prisoner just at the close of the battle,” Foard recalled.

Fire from the dismounted Tarheels at short range cut down many Green Coats.  “The Federal officers dashed bravely forward and called upon their troops to follow,” remembered Pvt. Paul B. Means of the 5th North Carolina Cavalry’s Company F.  “But volley after volley thinned their ranks and they broke and fled.”  MacDougall deployed the 111th, 125th and the 126th New York in support of the Green Coats and the New Yorkers along with Miles’ brigade gradually drove the Confederates back toward the Davis farm. 

The Red Club commander considered his brush with the dismounted enemy cavalry “quite a skirmish.”  The Federals lost at least 20 killed and wounded.  Barringer lost five killed, 23 wounded, one wounded and captured, and eight more missing for a total of 37.  The contraband with Barlow’s column now informed the division commander that he had arrived within two miles of the railroad.  In fact, only about a mile separated the Federals from the tracks.  Barlow, believing his division isolated, slowed his advance and sought orders from his corps commander.   “It is for you to decide whether it is safe for us to advance so as to separate this division from farther from the rest of the corps,” Barlow wrote to Birney, who had established his headquarters at the Williams house.  “We cannot both advance and keep up connection with the rest of the corps.  Is General Gibbon close behind me, as I understood he was to be?”

Barlow’s message to Birney illuminated the problems now faced by the Federal high command in its attempt to sever the Weldon and Southside railroads and invest Petersburg to the Appomattox west of the city.  The commander of the Army of the Potomac was pushing piecemeal into unfamiliar territory with roughly half the troops contemplated by the Federal plan.  Birney could not connect with both the Weldon Railroad and V Corps.  Barlow could not both advance and connect with the rest of II Corps.  The only force otherwise available to extend Birney’s line or assist Barlow—Ricketts’ division of VI Corps—remained in reserve near the trenches which the other divisions of its corps occupied.

While Barlow’s courier rode toward Birney, White found his regiment.  “I was soon on the left hand road and came into an open field and there found my regiment, or what was left of it,” he recalled.  “I was lucky enough to escape being in the frazzle of a skirmish, all through the picking up of the lost [tompion].  I was pleased for I could have been of no use if I had been there and I might have been either killed, wounded or captured.  As it was, I was spared to fight another day.”

***

Around the time Barlow’s courier reached Birney, Meade rode up to the Williams house, where he found Birney and Lyman.  In light of the ambush Barlow had endured and the unforeseen distance between Jerusalem Plank Road and the Weldon Railroad, Meade authorized Birney to terminate Barlow’s reconnaissance toward the railway, swing all three divisions of II Corps into position on the left of V Corps, get as close as possible to the enemy’s line of fortifications, and extend as far to the left as practicable—which could be no farther than the Weldon Railroad even if the corps stretched westward in a single line, and could under no circumstances be to the Appomattox above Petersburg.  Meade ordered VI Corps to reinforce Birney with Ricketts’ division. 

Birney ordered Barlow to withdraw and directed Gibbon and Mott to move up beside V Corps.  Barlow would have to wait to join them until Ricketts’ division arrived to take the place of the Red Club Division, which withdrew by a more northerly route than on the way out and threw up another line of pits northwest of the Browder farm.  Ricketts’ division started moving out from its bivouac and was crossing the Norfolk & Petersburg and turning south on Jerusalem Plank Road by 4:40 p.m.  

*** 

The battle of Jerusalem Plank Road had begun inauspiciously for the Federals.  Without Barringer’s repulse of Barlow, the Northerners would have reached the Weldon Railroad on June 21.  Now the parried Federal thrust had alerted the Southerners to the danger to their right.  Subsequent attempts to turn it would encounter more resistance.

Barlow's repulse at Barringer's hands forfeited the element of surprise and insured that subsequent Federal attempts to reach the Weldon Railroad would meet with more formidable resistance.  The defiant attitude of one of the prisoners in Winslow Homer's painting may be the only indication that they had defeated Barlow, and not vice versa

Copyright John Horn 2022