Saturday, July 31, 2021

Additions to My Schedule at Gettysburg National Battlefield Park on August 14, 2021

There are some additions to my schedule at Gettysburg National Battlefield Park on August 14, 2021.

I'm still due to give a talk with Charlie Knight at 9:30 a.m. at the marker for Ross's Battery on West Confederate Drive about the movement of Mahone's brigade on the evening of July 2, 1863.

Additionally, I'll be on the authors panel moderated by my publisher Ted Savas at 4 p.m. August 14, 2021 at the Gettysburg Heritage Center.

At 5 p.m. I'll be remaining at the Heritage Center to sign any copies purchased of the July 2021 edition of Gettysburg Magazine, which contains my article, "The Myth that Mahone's Brigade Did Not Move on July 2, 1863" as well as copies purchased of my latest book, The Petersburg Regiment in the Civil War: A History of the 12th Virginia Infantry from John Brown's Hanging to Appomattox, 1859-1865 (Savas Beatie, 2019), winner of the 2019 Army Historical Foundation's Distinguished Writing Award for Unit History.


William Evelyn Cameron, Adjutant of the 12th Virginia Infantry, Witness to the Movement of Mahone's Brigade on the Evening of July 2, 1863, Governor of Virginia 1882-1886

From George S. Bernard, ed., War Talks of Confederate Veterans (Petersburg: Fenn & Owen, 1892)

(Bernard was another member of the 12th Virginia in Mahone's brigade and another witness to its move on the evening of July 2, 1863) 

Saturday, July 10, 2021

Charlie Knight and I Will Give a Talk at Gettysburg 9:30 a.m. August 14, 2021

There will be a gathering of Savas Beatie authors at Gettysburg August 13-15, 2021.  Author Charlie Knight (Robert E. Lee's Civil War Day by Day) and I (The Petersburg Regiment) will discuss the movement of Mahone's brigade on July 2, 1863 as set forth in my article in July's Gettysburg Magazine entitled "The Myth that Mahone's Brigade Did Not Move on July 2, 1863."  The talk will take place at 9:30 a.m. on Saturday, August 14, 2021, and will last about an hour.  I'm hoping to meet up near the marker for Ross's Battery (Sumter Artillery) on West Confederate Drive.  I should be able to point out the route of Mahone's brigade from there.  Copies of Gettysburg Magazine should be available at the Visitor Center and I'll bring copies of The Petersburg Regiment and I'll sign either for anyone who wishes to buy one.

 
Map by Hampton Newsome, from The Petersburg Regiment

For my Gettysburg Magazine article, Hal Jespersen has drawn a splendid map based on Hampton's.


Thursday, July 8, 2021

Major Moncena Dunn's Dream, June 22, 1864

One of my favorite anecdotes about the first Federal attempt to invest Petersburg from the Appomattox River below the city to the Appomattox above occurred on June 22, 1864, at the United State Army advanced toward the Dimmock Line south of the city.  (June 22 is the climax of my forthcoming book about Grant's second offensive at Petersburg.)

I was very pleased to find a picture of Major Moncena Dunn, who had a poignant dream early that disastrous afternoon.



Major Moncena Dunn

            As Brig. Gen. Francis Channing Barlow’s troops deployed in front of the Dimmock Line, the officers of the 19th Massachusetts of Pierce’s brigade in Gibbon’s division strolled to the rear to eat.  Their regiment held breastworks at the edge of an open field covered by a crossfire from Battery B, 11th New Jersey Light Artillery and the 12th New York Battery.  “Our regiment was so small that we were in single rank and the formation was two companies instead of ten,” recalled Capt. John Gregory Bishop Adams, who commanded the left company.  After enlisting as a private, Adams had won a Medal of Honor at Fredericksburg and a promotion to captain prior to suffering a Gettysburg wound.

The 19th’s commander shared an unsettling experience with his fellow officers. 

“I fell asleep a little while ago, and had a queer dream,” said Major Moncena Dunn, a Maine-born bookkeeper, cutler and hotel manager wounded at Fredericksburg.  “We were lying just as we are here, and the rebels came in our rear and captured the entire regiment.”[1]

Dunn’s fellow officers reacted with disbelief.

“We laughed at his story, said we guessed we should not go to Richmond that way, and returned to our places in line,” remembered Adams.  “The firing in our front increased, the batteries doing good service for the rebels.”[2]

Everything came to pass as Dunn had dreamed.  He, Adams and about 1,700 other Yanks wound up in Confederate custody before evening.  Dunn survived his captivity and often spoke of its hardships.



[1] John G. B. Adams, Reminiscences of the Nineteenth Massachusetts Regiment (Boston, 1890), 102.

[2] Ibid., 102-103.


Map by Hampton Newsome


Thursday, July 1, 2021

The Richmond and Atlanta Campaigns of 1864 Were Joined at the Hip


On June 18 I finally visited Kennesaw Mountain National Battlefield Park.  I was down in Atlanta for my grandson's second birthday.  I'm currently writing about Grant's second offensive at Petersburg.  The Atlanta Campaign battles of Kolb's Farm (June 22, 1864) and Kennesaw Mountain (June 27, 1864) took place within the span of the Federal general-in-chief's second offensive at Petersburg.  Grant loaned his horse Cincinnati to President Lincoln during his visit to the Union lines around there on June 21-22, 1864.  The Kennesaw Mountain park sells a little replica of Cincinnati and I bought one for my grandson, whom the toy horse pleased.


Chickamauga, fought on September 18-20, 1863 just south of Chattanooga, had a profound effect on the general-in-chief.  He realized that the Union armies must act as a team, applying continuous pressure on their respective fronts to prevent the Confederates from concentrating against any particular Federal army.  As late as his second offensive at Petersburg, he feared that if Sherman let up on Johnston in the Atlanta Campaign, the Secessionists might transfer troops from Georgia to Virginia. OR 40, 2:175. Afterward Grant feared that withdrawing his army group from James River would ensure Sherman's defeat by allowing the Southerners to shift forces from Virginia to Georgia for a reprise of Chickamauga.  OR 42, 2:193. The general-in-chief's fourth offensive in August ended any chance of that.  Confederate President Davis was not even thinking of such a move; in fact, he ordered an infantry brigade transferred from Atlanta to Mobile shortly before Atlanta's fall. 




Thursday, June 10, 2021

Lee Besieged: Grant's Second Offensive at Petersburg, June 20-July 1, 1864

Right now I'm working on a history of Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant's second offensive at Petersburg, June 20-July 1, 1864.  I think I'll call it, Lee Besieged:  Grant's Second Offensive at Petersburg, June 20-July 1, 1864.  I started by looking at the late Edwin C. Bearss's original study of the fighting and, for unpublished material, Noah Andre Trudeau's The Last Citadel.  I recommend these works to anyone else writing about the fighting around Petersburg.  Other very helpful starting points include beyondthecrater.com and petersburgproject.org.  From there I went into more published and unpublished material.

I just finished my draft yesterday.  It will go out for examination by friends and acquaintances who themselves have published on the siege while I map and otherwise illustrate the book.  I estimate that mapping and otherwise illustrating will take a year or two.    

The second offensive occupied a critical period in the siege.  Underway was Grant's first attempt to invest Petersburg from the Appomattox River below the city to the Appomattox above, a very complicated maneuver.  This first attempt ended in disaster.  It might have succeeded against Brig. Gen. John B. Floyd, who had commanded Fort Donelson, or Lt. Gen. John C. Pemberton, who had commanded at Vicksburg, but Grant was facing Gen. Robert E. Lee and did not reach the river above Petersburg until April 2, 1865 during the ninth of his offensives.

   

               Brig. Gen. John B. Floyd                                     Lt. Gen. John C. Pemberton


Thursday, May 20, 2021

Letters and Official Correspondence Versus Memoirs: The Effects of the Wilson-Kautz Raid, June 22-July 1, 1864

“Federal troops destructing the railroad track."— Frank Leslie, 1896

The results of the Wilson-Kautz Raid would disabuse Grant of the notion that cavalry could damage the railroads connecting Richmond with the Deep South to the point that Lee would have to abandon the Southern capitol for lack of supplies.  The Secessionists had to send away some of the surplus population, but full rations were issued throughout period the railroads remained inoperable except for half rations of corn for the cavalry provided by wagon trains from Stony Creek.[1]  The South Side Railroad may have been running from Burkeville to Petersburg as early as July 3.  Railroad trains could pass from Danville to Petersburg via Burkeville as early as July 5, a mere two weeks after the raid’s beginning.[2]  The Richmond & Danville Railroad had resumed operations through to Richmond by July 16, Confederate crews having replaced the slabtrack with heavy rail in fewer than four weeks—thus leaving the railroad in better condition than before the raid.[3]  When Grant set out to sever the Weldon Railroad in August, he employed not cavalry who merely wrecked rails and ties in passing but infantrymen who dug in across the roadbed.

Wilson and Kautz accomplished their basic mission, destroying the Burkeville junction.  The Union infantry failed to complete the investment of Petersburg from the river below to the river above on which the cavalry raid was premised.  This rendered largely ineffective the success of the bluecoat horsemen. 

That Wilson chose to retreat from Sappony Church by way of Reams Station rather than Jarratt’s Depot resulted from confusion caused by many hours without sleep.[4]  For the rest of his life, he felt defensive about the drubbing his troops received at First Reams Station, though much of the responsibility for the rout rested with Meade and Sheridan.[5] 

After the war, Brig. Gen. Isaac M. St. John of the Confederate Nitre and Mining Bureau may have been humoring Wilson by telling him that the raid inflicted, “the heaviest blow of the kind that ever befell the Confederacy till Appomattox wiped it out forever,” as Wilson recalled.  “[St. John] added that with all the resources at his command it was nine weeks, or sixty-three days, before a train from the south ran into Petersburg on either road.”[6]  

In fact, trains were reaching the Cockade City from Danville via Burkeville by July 5, less than two weeks after the raid’s beginning, and the Confederates were rapidly repairing the Weldon Railroad.[7]  The Richmond & Danville Railroad reopened for business all the way to the Confederate capital on July 16.[8]  Perhaps St. John did not know how quickly the damage was repaired, or maybe he was referring to when the first Nitre and Mining Bureau train arrived in Petersburg.  Lead ore would at this point have been transported to Petersburg via the Richmond & Danville and the South Side railroads to be made into ingots and then shipped to Richmond on the Richmond & Petersburg.  In any event, Wilson had no need to exaggerate.  St. John may have been another victim of Lee’s campaign to deceive the enemy about the quick recovery of the South Side and Richmond & Danville railroads.

The Wilson-Kautz Raid may have cured Grant of his readiness to dispatch his cavalry on raids.  While the general-in-chief may have finally grasped that cavalry did not adequately destroy railroads, Sherman did not learn from Grant’s experience.  Uncle Billy initially employed cavalry against the Macon & Western Railroad in August without success before his final offensive of the Atlanta campaign finished the job with infantry. 

Despite the ephemeral damage inflicted by the Wilson-Kautz Raid, the Confederates remained sensitive to any threat to the Richmond & Danville.  Lee reacted violently to the presence of II Corps and a division of cavalry at Reams Station in August 1864.  He sent out eight brigades of infantry for the strike on the Federals at Reams because he feared that their presence at the station presaged another raid on the critical Richmond & Danville or that the occupation of Dinwiddie Court House would threaten the Army of Northern Virginia’s line of retreat southward from Petersburg and Richmond.[9]



[1] OR 40, 2:496. Lieutenant Hubard of the 3rd Virginia Cavalry remembered matters differently.  “Wilson’s raiders so damaged the Danville & Southside Railroads that lee’s army was for several weeks destitute of rations and our commands were subsisted on the coarsest corn-meal I ever saw,” he recalled.  {The rations were so short that when the meal was sifted it furnished only one repast for 24 hours.”  Nanzig, ed., The Civil War Memoirs of a Virginia Cavalryman, 184.  The letters of the 3rd’s Captain Watkins from July 1 through July 15, 1864 do not include the same complaints.  Toalson, ed., Send Me a Pair of Old Boots & Kiss My Little Girls, 298-305. 

Contemporaneous sources such as letters contradict the Hubard memoir. 

“We get plenty of cornbread, bacon and coffee and some sugar,” Sergeant Major Marion Hill Fitzgerald of the 45th Georgia in Thomas’ brigade on Bermuda Hundred wrote home on July 3.  “I am getting biscuit hungry.” Jeffrey C. Lowe and Sam Hodges, eds., Letters to Amanda, The Civil War Letters of Marion Hill Fitzpatrick, Army of Northern Virginia (Macon, GA, 1998), 157.  On July 10, he wrote, “Our rations are a little light at times but we do very well on them.  This morning we got half in biscuits and half in cornbread and half in bacon and half beef, which suits might well.  We get plenty of coffee yet and some sugar.”  Ibid., 159.  On July 18, he wrote, “our rations are a little better now….”  Ibid., 160.  “We draw good rations and I catch a mess of fish nearly every day,” he wrote on August 5.  Ibid., 163.  On August 13, he wrote that, “our beef rations have stopped which hurts pretty bad.”  Ibid., 164.  “We draw two days rations at a time[,] half in bacon and cornbread and the other in biscuit and beef.”  Ibid., 163. 

On July 13, Private Spencer of the 3rd Georgia Infantry in the Dimmock Line wrote, “In the way of commissary stores we are getting along pretty well, except we do not get quite as much as we could eat.  We can make out, tho’.  Grant can’t starve us out certain.  There are now enough provisions in Richmond & Petersburg to last the army for 12 months or more.  There is now doubt of that.”  Wiggins, ed., My Dear Friend, 133.  On August 6 Private Spencer expressed his disgust with “cornbread and blockade bacon” because he had received a box of luxuries from Georgia and had “drawn a little, very little, beef captured by Early in Pennsylvania.”  Ibid., 140.  On August 28, he thought his rations skimpy but sufficient.  Ibid., 147.

Soldiers in the 16th Mississippi were receiving letters from home as soon as July 19.  Robert G. Evans, ed., The 16th Mississippi Infantry:  Civil War Letters and Reminiscences (Jackson, MS, 2002), 275.  Private Jefferson J. Wilson of Company C, the Crystal Springs Southern Rights, wrote home on July 24, “At this time, we are getting tolerable good rations of flour, bacon, tea, rice, sugar and coffee.”  Ibid., 278.  Private Jerome Bonaparte Yates of Company C wrote home on August 2, “Well, let me tell you what I had for my differ yesterday.  First, sweet cakes and apples.  Next, blackberry dumplings….We are living very well at present…on cornbread, bacon, coffee, sugar, peas, and some…rice….We drew lots of good food four days ago when seven trains of cars come into Petersburg loaded with blockade goods….”  Ibid., 281. 

[2] Eanes, Destroy the Junction, 166, 168 n. 22; OR 40, 3:38.  On July 13, Private Spencer of the 3rd Georgia Infantry in the Dimmock Line wrote that, “the railroad communication is now about established….”  Wiggins, ed., My Dear Friend, 132.  Soldiers in the 16th Mississippi in the Dimmock Line were receiving letters from home as soon as July 19.  Evans, ed., The 16th Mississippi Infantry, 275.  Private Yates of Company C wrote home on August 2, “We drew lots of good food four days ago when seven trains of cars come into Petersburg loaded with blockade goods….”  Ibid., 281.

[3] Eanes, Destroy the Junction, 165.  Cf. Wilson, Under the Old Flag, 1:463, where Wilson mistakenly claims no Confederate train from the south ran into Petersburg for 63 days (about August 25).   

[4] Ibid., 479-480.

[5] Ibid., 484-522.

[6] Ibid., 462-463.  

[7] OR 40, 3:38.

[8] Eanes, Destroy the Junction, 165.

[9] Horn, The Battles for the Weldon Railroad, August 1864, 223-224, 285-268.  I mistakenly accepted Wilson’s account of the time the Richmond & Danville Railroad was inoperable.  Ibid., 309.

Wednesday, April 14, 2021

Galleys in for Gettysburg Magazine Article Due out in the July Issue: "The Myth that Mahone's Brigade Did Not Move on July 2, 1863"

Recently I submitted the galleys for "The Myth that Mahone's Brigade Did Not Move on July 2, 1863" to Gettysburg Magazine, where the article is due to appear in the July 2021 issue.  Virtually every extant history of the battle or campaign goes no further into this incident than Brig. Gen. William Mahone's initial refusal to move after receiving contradictory orders from his superior, Maj. Gen. Richard Heron Anderson.  The situation was more complicated than that, and quite a bit happened afterward as the article will make clear.


Brig. Gen. William Mahone

Credit: National Archives

For a preview of the article, see The Petersburg Regiment in the Civil War:  A History of the 12th Virginia Infantry from John Brown's Hanging to Appomattox, 1859-1865 (Savas Beatie, 2019).  The 12th Virginia belonged to Mahone's brigade and its soldiers provided several accounts of the brigade's movements on the evening of July 2, 1863.  The article expands on the accounts in The Petersburg Regiment and includes accounts by soldiers in the 6th and 61st Virginia.